A Leftist in Cold War Canberra: Bruce Yuill

 Stephen Holt

Abstract

On 29 July 1953, the Canberra Trades and Labor Council, the city’s peak employee body, re-elected a boisterous young Labor man named Bruce Yuill as its President.  The Council’s vote of endorsement meant that Yuill, a flamboyant socialist, headed the trade union movement in Australia’s federal capital at a crucial time politically, with the Cold War well underway and the Australian Labor Party teetering on the historic schism of 1955.

Yuill’s supremacy was short-lived.  Within a few months of being re-elected his close involvement with trade unionism – and with an associated round of left-wing political activities as well – was finished. The process by which Yuill ceased so suddenly to be a prominent left-winger, when reconstructed, provides a new insight into the various pressures that produced the great Labor split.

Adherents of the ALP Industrial Groups and their anti-communist associates were not a fringe or unrepresentative element on the eve of the great Labor split of 1954-55. Instead they controlled or influenced crucial areas of power in both the political and industrial wings of the Australian labour movement, including at the grassroots level in Canberra. Bruce Yuill’s period as a left-winger in the national capital came to an end because of their hostility.

Stephen Holt is a Canberra-based  historian and speech-writer whose publications include biographies on historian Manning Clark, trade union leader Lloyd Ross and, most recently, co-authored with Ross Fitzgerald of Alan the Red Fox Reid: Pressman Par Excellence (2010).

On 29 July 1953 the Australian Capital Territory Trades and Labour Council, Canberra’s peak employee body, re-­elected a young man named Bruce Yuill as its president. Yuill at this time was a left-­wing member of the Federated Clerks’ Union? much later on he was described by a student of Australian radical politics, as `that rare bird, a socialist within the Labor Party’.¹ His re-­election as TLC president in 1953 confirmed his position as the official leader of the trade union movement in Australia’s federal capital at a crucial political moment, with the Australian Labor Party, led by Dr H. V. Evatt, teetering on the brink of the Petrov affair of 1954 and the schism of 1955.

Yuill’s supremacy was short-­lived. Unlike Lindsay Tanner three decades later, he failed to leverage his standing as a left-­wing FCU factionalist into a durable political career.² Within a few months of his re-­election his involvement with unionism – and with an associated round of left-­wing political activities as well -­ was at an end. The process by which he ceased so suddenly to be an aggressive left-­winger, when reconstructed, provides us with a good close-­up view of the pressures that produced the great Labor split.

A tertiary-­educated economist who hailed from the North Shore in Sydney, Bruce Yuill embraced the cause of labour in the Chifley era with the fervour of an outsider. Born in Killara on 7 December 1925,³ he came from a family that had wealthy connections. His father John Ford Yuill was the nephew of George Skelton Yuill who, after migrating from Scotland to Australia, `met with conspicuous success, and acquired a large fortune’.⁴ G. S. Yuill was a notable shipping agent and also was successful in the frozen meat trade and as an owner of racehorses.⁵

Oral testimony has it that Bruce’s parents were in a mixed marriage.  His father was a Protestant and his mother Eileen a Catholic. Bruce, it is said, was raised as a Catholic.⁶ By the time reliable documentation becomes available his early Catholic connection seems to have waned. Yuill graduated from Sydney Church of England Grammar School in 1942.⁷ By 1946 he was enrolled as an evening student in economics at Sydney University. While a student he emerged as a political activist and Labor man, acquiring a public profile when serving as president of the Evening Students’ Association.⁸ When bank nationalisation became an issue in August 1947 the Sydney Morning Herald featured a letter to the editor from Yuill, now employed by the Cumberland County Council, in which he expressed his resentment at snobbish slurs cast on Prime Minister Chifley’s ability to understand economic and financial matters.⁹

On 3 November 1948 Yuill was elected as the inaugural chair of the ALP Youth Council (the progenitor in New South Wales of today’s Young Labor).¹⁰ In the following year he joined the Amalgamated Postal Workers’ Union as a research officer and also served as the publicity officer of the Fabian Society in Sydney. His objective in working for the Fabian Society, he stated in correspondence with the Trotskyite Nick Origlass, was `to try and get the ALP to adopt a socialistic attitude’.¹¹

Labor’s 1949 federal election campaign sealed Yuill’s left-­wing faith. The newly minted (1948) bachelor of economics cut a striking figure as he buttonholed commuters outside Burwood railway station one Saturday morning. `Point Piper background, suede shoes, fighting with facts and figures’, was how a newspaper reporter summed him up.¹² Yuill’s private as well as his public life was bound up with Labor’s cause. On 3 June 1949 he married Barbara Lee, a fellow North Shore member of the ALP Youth Council.¹³ They were an impressive couple. Both were tall and dark? Barbara’s teeth flashed when she spoke while her husband, committed as he was to confrontation and controversy, loved to sport brightly coloured clothes, especially ties and socks.¹⁴

The young married couple migrated to Canberra at the end of the summer of 1949-­50, just as the newly elected Liberal-­Country Party government headed by Robert Menzies was settling in. The move followed Yuill’s appointment as a research officer in the Department of Immigration. Yuill was vetted when he applied for a job with the Commonwealth public service but his political activity in Sydney was not an issue. He had not yet been subjected to detailed scrutiny by the security service. Such surveillance only came after he moved to Canberra.

Yuill planned to snare Labor preselection for a seat in parliament, but until the right opportunity came along he was happy to focus on trade union work. He was a member of the Federated Clerks’ Union and soon after leaving Sydney he was accredited as one of its delegates to the Canberra Trades and Labour Council. It was in his TLC capacity that Yuill first attracted the attention of the security service. Intelligence officers at this time monitored all the reports of TLC proceedings published in the Canberra Times. Yuill’s Cold War dossier effectively began once his name started to crop up in such reports in the middle of 1950. Tracking began on 17 May when Yuill spoke at the TLC in support of the Sydney University Labor Club which was seeking accommodation for twelve members who planned to visit Canberra to protest against the proposal by the Menzies government to pass legislation banning the Communist Party.¹⁵

On 15 February 1951 Yuill was elected deputy president of the FCU branch in Canberra.¹⁹ Earlier he had led an unsuccessful attempt to get the TLC to donate an amount of £1 towards a fund to pay the legal expenses of Frank Hardy, whose novel Power without Glory was the subject of an historic court case.²⁰ Political activism took its toll on Yuill’s marriage. When the King’s Birthday long weekend rolled around in June 1951 his young wife was not impressed when he indicated that he intended to spend the time off work in Sydney attending the ALP annual state conference. Barbara preferred to spend a long weekend differently. When Bruce insisted on going to Sydney Barbara announced that their marriage was over and left him for good.²¹

Now that he had no domestic responsibilities to speak of Bruce had more time in which to crusade. He branched out to become a regular writer of letters to the Canberra Times. Inflationary pressures caused by the Korean War had raised the possibility of public service job cuts. In his debut effort in the Canberra Times Yuill zoomed in on this threat. Unionists in the public service, he insisted, should resort, if necessary, to direct industrial action to ward off the challenge.²² Copies of all his letters to the Canberra Times ended up in his swelling security dossier.

Security agents were not the only people keeping tabs on Yuill. He had trade union foes as well. The immediate battleground was in Yuill’s union, the FCU. In 1952 its New South Wales branch (which covered Canberra) was the scene of an historic struggle between the branch’s Communist Party office-­holders (with whom Yuill was allied) and insurgents supported by the ALP’s official network of anti-­communist activists (the ALP Industrial Groups). As the struggle intensified it spread to Canberra. Annual elections for all FCU positions in the Canberra branch were scheduled for 4 April. Yuill was running for the post of branch secretary. On the eve of the election a story in the Canberra Times revealed that an ALP Industrial Group was operating in the local FCU branch. It was running a ticket.²³ In response Yuill solicited support for his campaign by inserting an advertisement in the Canberra Times: `Vote for the Independent Unionist, Independent of ALL pressure groups’. The appeal was in vain. The Industrial Group ticket was successful in the Canberra FCU election.²⁴

The war with the Industrial Groups was unstoppable. Sidney Rhodes, their successful candidate for the position of Canberra FCU branch president, was at the same time the long-­serving president of the TLC. Left-­wingers, including Yuill, who was ever more prominent as a critic of the Industrial Groups, set out to do him in. The annual TLC elections were scheduled for the end of April and as they drew near excitement mounted. Yuill could not be silenced. A story in Tribune conveyed criticism of the Industrial Groups, made by Yuill at a meeting of the TLC, to communists across the nation.²⁵ On 30 April, when the TLC held its annual election, Yuill defeated Rhodes for the position of president.²⁶ His status as the leading anti-­Industrial Groups figure in the trade union movement in Canberra was confirmed when he was criticised in the press by Jack Kane, the secretary of the NSW Industrial Groups (and a future Democratic Labor Party senator).²⁷

It was unwise, albeit heroic, for anyone in the ALP to take on the Industrial Groups in 1952. They were becoming an increasingly powerful faction in the party. The great ALP split of 1955 was still some time away. The Industrial Groups, in the preceding two years or so before the split, were involved in a marriage of convenience with the federal parliamentary leader of the party, Dr H. V. Evatt. In the lead up to the next federal election due in 1954 Evatt was doing everything possible to sanitise his image. He was desperate to kill off the slightest suggestion that he was soft on communism. This strategy led Evatt to distance himself from his one time left-­wing foreign affairs expert Dr John Burton. The latter’s rose-­tinted views on how Australia should develop its relations with China, which the communists had ruled only since 1949, meant that he was seen as an electoral embarrassment.

Yuill had no difficulty when faced with a choice between supporting Burton and possibly offending Evatt. On 18 June 1952 he chaired proceedings when Burton, fresh from attending a contentious Peace in the Pacific Conference in Peking, addressed an excited audience of unionists, diplomats and students at the Canberra Trades Hall.²⁸ Yuill had made an imprudent move. Evatt’s de facto alliance with the ALP Industrial Groups was for the moment unstoppable. At the end of June 1952 candidates led by Joe Riordan and supported by the Industrial Groups took control of the FCU’s central council in Sydney.²⁹ Yuill was on the losing side in the NSW branch of the FCU. He stood, but lost, when the Canberra branch chose its representative on the central council.³⁰

Defeat did not dishearten Yuill. He remained ready to proclaim his militant faith whenever he could. He inserted fighting comments on the need for greater union solidarity in Canberra in the official directory published by the TLC.³¹ Of more immediate import, the power of radio was harnessed on his watch. Beginning on 26 October 1952 the TLC featured a Sunday evening industrial session on Canberra’s commercial radio station 2CA. Yuill was the inaugural speaker.³² ASIO employees diligently transcribed what he and other speakers on the weekly program said. On 18 January 1953 Yuill used the 2CA session to allude to instances of `blundering and stupidity’ in the work of Australia’s security service.³³ Following this broadcast his views were mentioned, but not responded to, in a prime ministerial press conference.³⁴ Behind the scenes a flurry of bureaucratic correspondence was occasioned by Yuill’s act of outspokenness. ASIO advised (or perhaps reminded) the Public Service Board that it considered the man to be a security risk. The Board in turn advised the Immigration Department to transfer Yuill to another position so that he no longer had access to confidential official information.³⁵

But in true Canberra fashion no precipitate action eventuated. The Secretary of the Department of Immigration, the highly effective Tasman Heyes, was of the view that `caution and care should be taken in considering the whole problem before insisting upon action’. Heyes had `a very poor opinion of Yuill and could well do without him’ but he was not going to let him attract attention to himself as a political martyr.³⁶ So for the moment Yuill’s bifurcated life continued: frustrated public servant during working hours and anti-­Industrial Group firebrand in his spare time. The type of activities being monitored by ASIO continued over the next few months as if nothing had happened. Yuill arranged an invitation to attend a cocktail evening at the Soviet Embassy at a more convenient time for him?³⁷ along with Burton he protested outside the United States embassy against the execution of Ethel and Julius Rosenberg?³⁸  and he caucused with left-­wing elements in Sydney at the 1953 ALP state conference.³⁹  The political buzz at the inner-­city apartment where Yuill resided was incessant. It only intensified when Yuill was, at various times, visited by and eventually acquired a flatmate in the person of the journalist Fergan O’Sullivan who became Dr Evatt’s press secretary in the lead up to the Petrov affair.⁴⁰

Yuill’s role as a public servant who openly criticised the Commonwealth government and its security service from a left-­wing perspective inevitably piqued the interest of the Soviet Embassy in Canberra and the security service in Moscow. The press attaché in the embassy was directed to begin a `more thorough study’ of Yuill. In the event the press attaché did meet Yuill but, Moscow was informed, `not often – very seldom, in fact – but got no information from him’. The Report of the Royal Commission on Espionage later determined conclusively that there was nothing to suggest that Yuill was ever engaged in any espionage activities.⁴¹

Though not a communist, Bruce Yuill, in 1953, remained as strong as ever in his determination to make his party – the ALP -­-­  as aggressively socialist as possible. This left-­wing stance was sufficient reason to make him deeply obnoxious to the supporters of the ALP Industrial Groups, who were in the ascendancy in both the ALP and the clerks’ union in New South Wales. They had to defeat him.

The annual TLC elections for 1953 required careful planning in view of this uncongenial factional climate facing Yuill. Without fanfare a change was made to the TLC’s rules whereby the outgoing president no longer needed to be an accredited delegate from his or her union in order to be eligible for re-­election.⁴²  The FCU, as Yuill well knew, had turned into a stronghold for the Industrial Groups? there was no question of his ever again being picked as one of its TLC delegates. The planning paid off. On 29 July Yuill, by 46 votes to 27, was re-­ elected as TLC president.⁴³ He celebrated his victory by providing the Canberra Times with a contentious statement in which he reaffirmed his strong opposition to plans by the NSW Labor government to enforce compulsory unionism by legislation. Such a move was seen as an attempt to inflate the membership of Industrial Groups-­led unions.⁴⁴

The triumphant mood was soon deflated. On the Friday morning after his re-­ election Yuill was getting a lift to his day job in the Department of Immigration when the car he was travelling in collided with a truck. An ambulance took him to hospital where he was treated for shock and lacerations.⁴⁵ From then on till the end of the year it was one shock after another for Yuill. The crucial turnaround in his fortunes in 1953 was precipitated by a tin-­pot municipal election; on 19 September Canberrans had to elect representatives to the ACT Advisory Council, which operated as a partly elected local assembly with no real power. The Labor Party in Canberra, which was part of the New South Wales branch of the ALP at this time, nominated a ticket of four candidates headed by Fred Quinane, its branch secretary. Quinane was a significant figure. Behind the scenes he was the representative in Canberra of The Movement, Bob Santamaria’s secret anti-­ communist organisation. His name figures in Movement activities in the mid-­1950s.⁴⁶

Yuill’s opposition to the Industrial Groups meant that he was in The Movement’s sights and the lead-­up to the Advisory Council election provided Quinane with an opportunity to inflict grievous damage. Well before the election loomed Yuill had approached a fellow TLC stalwart – Leo O’Neill from the Australian Workers’ Union – to sound him out about the possible idea, if circumstances were conducive, of standing as an endorsed TLC candidate at the 19 September poll.⁴⁷ Broaching such an idea was most unwise since, if knowledge of this suggestion got out, Yuill could be accused of plotting against the endorsed ALP ticket for the Advisory Council election.

Pre-­election jitters dominated the last TLC meeting held before polling day. There was uproar when it was announced that Quinane and another of the Labor candidates (Evatt’s private secretary Bill Byrne) had chosen to ignore a request to attend and be interrogated by Yuill. The TLC President had drawn up a list of five questions, each of three parts, which were intended to locate the slightest hint of pro-­Industrial Group sentiment lurking in the breasts of the four Advisory Council candidates.⁴⁸ Quinane’s refusal to respond had been endorsed by both Evatt and the Industrial Groups-­influenced NSW ALP executive. Amid the confusion the AWU’s Leo O’Neill, armed with the knowledge of their earlier conversation, accused Yuill of deliberately attempting to split the ALP in Canberra.⁴⁹ O’Neill’s words were music to the ears of Yuill’s internal Labor opponents and they acted without delay. The local ALP branch executive met on the Sunday immediately following polling day. O’Neill, acceding to a request from the anti-­Yuill camp, presented the executive with a sworn statement in which he said that Yuill had pressed him to run against the endorsed ALP Advisory Council ticket. The executive resolved that Yuill had committed `a flagrant and sustained breach’ of party solidarity and suspended his party membership pending the next branch meeting at which it would call for his expulsion.⁵⁰

The Industrial Groups had sidelined Yuill in the Federated Clerks’ Union. They were now out to end any future he might have in the ALP as well. No effective defence was permitted and the Canberra ALP executive condemned Yuill in his absence. He had, as TLC president, travelled to Sydney to attend the national congress of the ACTU when the blow fell. He first learnt about his suspension in Monday morning’s edition of the Sydney Morning Herald.⁵¹ The resulting pressure was hard to bear and, by the weekend, he had succumbed to illness.⁵²

There was a short delay while Yuill recuperated, before rank and file members of the Canberra ALP got round to considering the proposed act of excommunication at a meeting on 8 October. In the lead up to the meeting Yuill received a vote of support from the TLC but the meeting itself was controlled by enemies led by Quinane. Evatt’s private secretary Bill Byrne was in the chair and presided over an execution. In the course of the night Yuill’s friend John Burton accused Byrne of `partisan chairmanship’. Yuill had already walked out in protest before the vote to expel him, moved by Quinane, was carried, by 52 votes to 24.⁵³

Yuill was under immense strain. The shock of expulsion was followed quickly by talk of a possible vote of no-­confidence at the TLC and to top things off he was immersed in a law course as well. Late in October the TLC granted him leave of absence so that he could sit his examinations in Sydney.⁵⁴ He never resumed his TLC duties. While in Sydney the strain of his law examinations, combined with his factional worries, finally took its toll. He returned to Canberra under doctor’s orders to give up his contentious TLC presidency. He announced his resignation on 12 November and it was accepted at the next TLC meeting.⁵⁵

His factional opponents led by Quinane were satisfied but Evatt needed to show his displeasure in his own way. In the winter and spring of 1953 Evatt, at his own request, held two recorded meetings with Charles Spry, the Director-­General of Security.⁵⁶ On one of these occasions Spry advised the Labor leader that his press secretary Fergan O’Sullivan was a flatmate of Yuill’s. Spry told Evatt that Yuill was `either a Communist or an informant of the Communist Party’.⁵⁷ Such an assessment, while factually incorrect, had the desired effect? Evatt responded to Spry’s hostile comment by telling his press secretary to move out of Yuill’s apartment.⁵⁸

O’Sullivan did not depart right away but the pressure put on him to do so amply confirmed that it was time for Yuill to live somewhere else as well. There was not much future for him any more in Canberra, given the extent of animosity towards him to be found in the ALP. Yuill staged an impressive disappearing act. On 27 February 1954 readers of the Canberra Times learned that the recently retired TLC president was about to sail from Sydney on the Oronsay (`the epitome of post-­war British ship-­building’) to take up a research fellowship in industrial relations at Glasgow University.<sup>59</sup> They were not told, though ASIO knew about it from an informant, that Yuill’s father had paid for the passage. Leftism had clouded Yuill’s relations with his North Shore family but it was now a thing of the past. `The mother’, his ASIO file noted, `said that she was very pleased that Bruce had become a good Roman Catholic again recently’. The parents were financing a sojourn in Scotland by G. S. Yuill’s prodigal heir `in the hope that it will break their son’s bad associations’.⁶⁰

These parental hopes were amply fulfilled. In 1957, having spent several years researching in Britain and then teaching in North America – he was `very impressed’ with the United States in particular⁶¹ -­ Yuill finally returned to Australia where he forged a completely different set of associations. He pioneered the academic study of management and later became a consultant to mining companies. An obituary in the Murdoch press in 1994 noted that he eventually embraced the Liberal Party and endorsed the deregulatory views of the H. R. Nicholls Society.⁶²

In one sense Yuill’s earlier left-­wing period could be dismissed as a passing act of youthful bravado but nonetheless it is still worthy of latter-­day attention. Yuill, knowing that his family could always rescue him if necessary, felt free to explore the joys of Labor factionalism in the Cold War era without inhibition. The resulting response was revealing. The key finding to emerge from the Yuill experiment – for that is what it was -­  is incontrovertible but still needs emphasising. Adherents of the ALP Industrial Groups and their anti-­communist associates did not constitute a fringe or unrepresentative element, on the eve of the Petrov affair and the great Labor split of 1954-­55. Instead they controlled or influenced crucial areas of power in both the political and industrial wings of the labour movement, including at the grassroots level in Canberra. The collapse of Bruce Yuill’s left-­wing career was a direct effect of the ascendancy of the Groupers in the immediate pre-­Petrov period. After Evatt’s split with Santamaria in October 1954 both sides in the ensuing Labor schism had an interest in downplaying the strength of their erstwhile intimacy? candid and truthful research, however, is under no such obligation.

1   Alan Barcan, letter to Stephen Holt, 4 November 2010.
2   Tanner’s FCU period is documented, readably though hardly objectively, in his The Last Battle (Melbourne: Kokkino Press, 1996).
3   Australian, 19 May 1994, 13; Sydney Morning Herald (henceforth SMH), 9 May 1994, 28.
4   Aberdeen University Review, vol 5, (Aberdeen: Aberdeen University Press, 1917-­18), 88; Pastoral.Review, 16 November 1917, 1065-­1066.
5   Argus, 11 October 1917, 6.
6   Fergan O’Sullivan, letter to Stephen Holt, 13 December 2009.
7   SMH, 9 May 1994, 28.
8   SMH, 25 May 1946, 2.
9   SMH, 25 August 1947, 2.
10   Frank Higgins, letter to Stephen Holt, 8 January 2010? Alan Barcan, Radical Students:The Old Left at Sydney University (Melbourne: Melbourne University Press, 2002), 219.
11   Bruce Yuill to [Nick Origlass],[August 1949], Mitchell Library, Sydney MSS 7093/2? ‘Bruce Ford Yuill’, Australian Security and Intelligence Organization (henceforth ASIO) file, National Archives of Australia, A61119/937-­940, Part 1, f. 3 (24 June 1950).
12   Sunday Herald, 20 November 1949, 3.
13   Canberra Times (henceforth CT), 23 February 1954, 2.
14   ASIO file, Part 1, ff 2-­3.
15   CT, 18 May 1950, 4.
16   CT, 22 June 1950, 2.
17   ASIO file, Part 1, f.6 (10 August 1950).
18   ASIO file, Part 21, ff 22,23 (, 30 November [1950], 14 November 1951).
19   CT, 16 February 1951, 2.
20   CT, 8 February 1951, 4.
21   CT, 9 December 1953, 7.
22   CT, 31 July 1951, 4.
23   CT, 3 April 1952, 3.
24   CT, 4 April 1952, p.5;? 5 April 1952, 1.
25   Tribune, 23 April 1952, 3.
26   CT, 1 May 1952, 5.
27   CT, 6 May 1952, 4.
28   CT, 18 June 1952, 6; 19 June 1952, 1,4.
29   CT, 26 June 1952, 4.
30   CT, 19 September 1952, 5? 20 September 1952, 7.
31   CT, 19 December 1952, 6.
32   CT, 16 October 1952, 5;? 27 October 1952, 3.
33   CT, 19 January 1953, 4.
34   CT, 21 January 1953, 1.
35   ASIO file, Part 2, f.23.
36   ASIO file, Part 2, f.24.
37   ASIO file, Part 2, f.99.
38   ASIO file, Part 2, f.99; CT, 22 June 1953, 1.
39   ASIO file, Part 2, f.82. See also SMH, 12 June 1953, 3? 21 December 1954, 2.
40   SMH, 17 July 1954, 4.
41   See paras 1059-­1062 (extract in ASIO file, Part 3.
42   CT, 3 September 1954, 2? 13 October 1954, 2.
43   CT, 30 July 1953, 4.
44   CT, 31 July 1953, 4? 1 August 1953, 4.
45   CT, 1 August 1953, 4.
46   Bruce Duncan, Crusade or Conspiracy Catholics and the anti-­Communist struggle in Australia (Sydney: UNSW Press, 2001), 291. The Papers of B. A. Santamaria in the State Library of Victoria contain four items of correspondence between Santamaria and Quinane, commencing 29 January 1954 (information from Mr G. Browne).
47   CT, 28 September 1953, 2.
48   ASIO file, Part 2, f.88.
49   CT, 17 September 1953, 2.
50   CT, 21 September 1953, 1; Age, 21 September 1953, 2.
51   SMH, 21 September 1953, 4? CT, 28 September 1953, 2.
52   CT, 29 September 1953, 2.
53   CT, 8 October 1953, 3? 9 October 1953, 1? 12 October 1953, 2.
54   CT, 3 November 1953, 1.
55   CT, 13 November 1953, 2.; 19 November 1953, 2.
56   Andrew Campbell, ‘Dr H V Evatt – Part II: The question of loyalty’, National Observer, no.76, autumn 2008, 50-­51.
57   Frank Cain, The Australian Security Intelligence Organization: An Unofficial History (Richmond, Vic.: Spectrum Publications, 1994), 113.
58   SMH, 17 July 1954, 2; CT, 17 August 1954, 1.
59   CT, 27 February 1954, 2.
60   ASIO file, Part 2, f.162 (24 March 1954).
61   Bruce Yuill to E J Ward, 14 July 1957, E J Ward Papers, National Library of Australia MS 2396/1/269.
62   Australian, 19 May 1994, 13.